Secondly, the victory of Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi, 48, with 58% of the vote can be seen as part of wider Islamist electoral gains. For example, since last year we have seen the democratic rise to power of a conservative Shia bloc in Iraq and Hamas in Palestine, the Hezbollah/ Amal Shia alliance becoming the second-largest grouping in Lebanon's parliament, and the Muslim Brotherhood gaining a fifth of parliamentary seats in Egypt.

Thirdly, this is the latest in a string of polls over the last few years in the Arab world to be deemed free and fair by international observers, highlighting a common misperception that democracy is unable or unwilling to take root in the region.

 

Sambi is known as "Ayatollah" for his studies in Iran, but before alarm bells ring in the West or US President George Bush expands the 'axis of evil', the new Comoran president is also viewed as a moderate.

He has vowed to fight corruption and unemployment, rebuild the country's economy and improve the lives of its 600,000 people, half of whom are illiterate, live in abject poverty and suffer widespread malnutrition.

 

He has said the overwhelmingly Muslim Comoros, a member of the Arab League, is not ready to become an Islamic republic. He has also promised not to outlaw the famous Comoran lavish wedding ceremonies, or force women to cover their hair.

Perhaps most importantly, the election was deemed "free, transparent and credible," and its outcome "a true reflection of the will of the Comoran people," by international observers from the Arab League, the African Union, the Francophonie group of French-speaking nations, the Indian Ocean Commission, the US, France and the Netherlands.

Jose Francisco Madeira, the AU's special envoy to the Comoros Islands, described the election as "exemplary."

 

But contrary to popular thinking in the West, such elections have been taking place with increasing regularity in the Arab world over the last few years, besides the obvious examples of Iraq and Palestine (in the latter case, a tradition going back almost a decade, and in both cases despite being under occupation).

 

International observers - including a 100-member European Union delegation, UN envoy Terje Roed-Larsen and US senator Joseph Biden - deemed last year's Lebanese parliamentary elections free and fair.

 

The same is true of Algeria's April 2004 presidential elections, in which Bruce George of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe - one of 120 international observers - said: "In my view, this was one of the best conducted elections, not just in Algeria, but in Africa and much of the Arab world."

 

Bush congratulated Abdelaziz Bouteflika on his re-election, and "the Algerian people for their dedication to building a democratic political system." French President Jacques Chirac said the vote "allowed the Algerian people to show its willingness to move forward on the path of democratic pluralism."

 

Bahrain's municipal elections in May 2002 were praised by observers from the Washington-based National Democratic Institute. "Though it was the first experience for Bahrain, we found the election process moving very smoothly," said Fawzi A Guleid, NDI programme officer for the Middle East and North Africa.

 

International observers from nine countries - including the US, Britain and France - said Qatar's municipal poll in March 1999, in which women were allowed to vote and campaign, was free and fair.

 

"It seemed to me that it was a very orderly and civilised election, as though they had done it before," said British MP Cheryl Gillan. "What struck me was the enthusiasm of the people who had never voted before," added British observer Ernie Ross. "People of Qatar responded magnificently. Everyone was happy."

 

International observers judged Yemen's April 2003 parliamentary elections to be generally free and fair, and Ali Abdullah Saleh has said he will not run again in presidential elections later this year.

 

The same is true of Djibouti, which saw the re-election of President Ismail Omar Guelleh in April 2005.

 

Kuwait has an elected parliament, and Saudi Arabia held municipal elections last year. Though women were, in both cases, excluded from the democratic process, their participation has been raised as a prospect in future polls.

 

Mauritania has recently asked for financial aid for elections it wants to hold later this year.

 

It would be foolish to deny that much democratic progress is still needed in the Arab world, but it would be equally foolish to deny that in a growing number of countries in the region, significant steps are being taken in the right direction. Ultimately, one can no longer say democracy is an alien concept to Arabs.

 

Its progress is largely due to popular domestic pressure, rather than from outside. The US administration does more harm than good in attempting to link its statements and actions with democratic movements in the region. It is telling, for instance, that Syria's domestic opposition recently declined millions of dollars in US aid, and that Arab opposition parties see America as responsible for propping up undemocratic regimes.

 

The best way to ensure the continued expansion of regional democracy is to allow it to grow domestically rather than enforce it externally, and to accept its outcomes.

 

It is hypocritical and dangerous for the West to claim to espouse the ideal of democracy, then boycott elected parties and officials it deems undesirable or unworthy, such as Palestine's Hamas and Lebanon's Hezbollah. The same is true of certain Arab leaders who have stated concerns about Shia dominance in Iraq.

 

Democracy is not a conditional process, nor should it be. You are either for it or against it. I, for one, am for it.